Section C: International option China and Japan, 1912-45 Read the sources and then answer both parts of the question. Source A There are two reasons for joining the Kuomintang. In the first place, it will give us an opportunity to use propaganda and win over their many organised workers. Second, we can only fight imperialism if we combine the forces of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. If we do not join, we shall remain isolated and preach a communism which consists of a noble ideal, but one which the masses do not follow. The masses certainly would follow the bourgeois Kuomintang, who would use them for its purpose. If we join the Kuomintang, we can show the masses that we too are for a revolutionary democracy, but that for us revolutionary democracy is only a means to an end. Furthermore, we can point out that we do not forget the daily needs of the masses. We shall be able to gather the masses around us and split the Kuomintang Party. From a speech by a Chinese delegate to the Congress of the Communist International, 1922. Source B Dr Sun Yat-sen and Mr Adolph Joffe, special envoy from the Soviet Union, have had several conversations. Many opinions have been expressed in connection with Sino-Soviet relations. Dr Sun Yat-sen believes that the Soviet system of communism cannot be adopted in China since China does not have the conditions to make this adoption a success. Mr Joffe completely agrees with this analysis. Dr Sun Yat-sen further believes that the most urgent problem China faces today is the successful unification of the republic and the completion of national independence. Mr Joffe assures Dr Sun Yat-sen that China not only enjoys the deepest sympathy of the Russian people but can also rely on Russia's assistance and support. Mr Joffe and Dr Sun Yat-sen part with each other in the most cordial manner. From the Sun–Joffe agreement, January 1923. Source C If we want to overthrow the double oppressions of imperialism and of the warlords, we must rely upon the power of all our people in a national revolutionary movement. We look around the country, and find the Kuomintang the only party with history, principles and leadership to liberate the nation, and improve the condition of the people. To complete successfully this revolution, we must have a united revolutionary party, as we cannot afford to have our revolutionary forces divided. The reason why we join this party is to make some contribution to this party, and to the cause of national revolution. We can link this party with the world revolutionary movement, so that the two can go forward together. We have definitely not come to deceive and take advantage of it, and to use the name of the Kuomintang for the purposes of promoting the communist movement. From a speech by Li Ta-chao, a leading communist, to the National Congress of the Kuomintang, January 1924. Source D Dr Sun Yat-sen, in his wisdom, secured the help of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party and reinterpreted the Three People's Principles. As a result, a united front was formed between the Three People's Principles and communism. Kuomintang-Communist cooperation was established for the first time, the sympathy of the people of the whole country was won and the revolution of 1924–27 was launched. The cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party spread the new Three People's Principles all over China, extending to a section of the educational and academic world and the mass of student youth. No sooner had the strength of the workers brought the revolution of 1927 to victory than the capitalist class kicked the masses aside. They seized the gains of the revolution, formed a counter-revolutionary alliance with imperialism and then pushed themselves to the limit in a war of 'communist suppression' for ten years. From an essay by Mao Zedong, January 1940.

Mark scheme

Marking points from the official mark scheme (Feb/Mar 2022). The mark or mark type is shown in brackets.

1. (a) Indicative content Differences
2. (a) In Source A, the main motive is opportunistic – to use the access to the masses to 'win over their many organised workers'. Source C directly contradicts this, asserting no intention ‘to deceive and take advantage'.
3. (a) Source A shows the Communists as engaged in hostile competition to the Kuomintang; the aim is to 'gather the masses around us and split the Kuomintang'. In Source C, the speaker claims a much more co-operative spirit, and the motive 'to make some contribution' to the Kuomintang.
4. (a) Similarities
5. (a) A belief in the benefits of presenting a united front, which in Source A, the delegate explains as the need to 'combine' the different classes, while Source C agrees that 'we cannot afford to have our revolutionary forces divided'.
6. (a) This is linked to establishing a broad appeal; in Source A, there is a fear of isolation if the Communists do not join with the Kuomintang, while Source C refers to 'the power of all our people'.
7. (a) Explanation
8. (a) The differences arise most obviously from the different audiences. The speaker in Source A needs to demonstrate commitment to international Communism and explain the decision to co-operate with the Kuomintang in a way that will appeal to Communists. Li Ta-chao is trying to convince the leadership of the Kuomintang that an alliance will be to their mutual benefit. His words indicate that there are suspicions about Communist motives among his listeners, based on awareness of opinions such as those expressed in Source A, which he is trying to overcome.
9. (a) There is also a debate within both parties as to the extent of cooperation with the other, which these views reflect. Most Communists believed in the need to work together to bring about revolution in the early 1920s, as the similarities indicate.
10. (a) Accept any other valid responses.
11. (b) Indicative content
12. (b) Source A mainly challenges the view. The Communist delegate indicates his disdain for the 'bourgeois Kuomintang', whom he regards as wishing to use the masses for 'its purpose'. He implies that this is different to the Communists' aims, as the Communists would 'not forget the daily needs of the masses'.
13. (b) Source A shows some shared aims in the short term, in that both parties are working for 'a revolutionary democracy', but is clear that, for the Communists, this was not the ultimate goal, but 'only a means to an end.'
14. (b) Source B challenges the view. Sun Yat-sen explains that 'the Soviet system of communism' will not work in Chinese conditions, and that his priorities are different. However, the agreement emphasises his 'cordial' relations with the Soviet envoy, and the benefits of Communist 'Russia's assistance and support'.
15. (b) Source C supports the view. Li Ta-chao identifies common aims, in terms of 'the double oppressions of imperialism and of the warlords' and suggests that the co-operation between the two parties will enable them to 'go forward together'. In particular, Communist support will link the Kuomintang 'with the world revolutionary movement'.
16. (b) Source D can be used on both sides of the argument.
17. (b) Source D supports the view. Mao Zedong indicates that the 'sympathy of the people of the whole country' was gained by the reinterpretation of 'the Three People's Principles' with 'the help of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party', indicating common goals.
18. (b) Source D challenges, as Mao shows the split after 1927. This is blamed on the Kuomintang, who rejected the previously shared aims, and formed a 'counter-revolutionary alliance with imperialism', which led to a war of 'Communist suppression'.
19. (b) Evaluation
20. (b) Given his audience, the speaker in A clearly wants to emphasise that there are sufficient similarities between the two parties' aims for some co-operation to be advantageous for the Communists, at least in the short-term. However, he is also motivated to promote the ‘noble ideal’ of Communism as different and more developed.
21. (b) Sun Yat-sen is setting out the view of the organisation which he led. He looked to the Soviet Union for support and also organised the Kuomintang along Communist lines, as well as increasingly acknowledging the necessity for a social as well as a political revolution in his country. However, this cooperation does not extend to completely common aims.
22. (b) In C, there is a clear motive to emphasise common interests, and to demonstrate the basis of shared doctrines. This co-operation was maintained, despite some debate and differences, until the decisive split in 1927, two years after Sun's death.
23. (b) Mao Zedong emphasises shared aims in the 1920s, to show his party as a successor to the ideas and work of Sun Yat-sen, widely revered as the founder of modern China. However, he goes on to present the Communists as being the true revolutionaries, who were betrayed by the counter-revolutionary Kuomintang. While there was officially a United Front against the Japanese in 1940, there was still a lot of hostility between the Communists and Kuomintang; Civil War would ensue at the end of World War II.
24. (b) Taken together, the sources claim that until 1927, there were some shared aims. The revolutionary aims of both parties were sufficiently similar at this time for the Communist authors of A, C and D to see the advantages of co-operation, in order to associate themselves with the popularity of the Kuomintang at that time.
25. (b) However, Sun Yat-sen, the leader of the Kuomintang, is clear that the main aims are fundamentally different, despite his wish to maintain good relations with the Soviet Union.
26. (b) After the death of Sun Yat-sen, ideological and political disagreements developed, which led to violent conflict. The reasons for this are suggested by Source A and D, both from a Communist perspective.
27. (b) Accept any other valid responses.